By Jenny Pierce
ROSARIO, Argentina — "Thirty years since the death of Ernesto Che Guevara, he not only remains vivid in our minds, but also his legacy proves vital in political and cultural debate at the turn of the century." This was the theme for discussion at the seminar "Ernesto Che Guevara — 30 years" held October 2-5 here in Che's birthplace.
More than 1000 participants came from more than 20 countries, including academics and activists from Europe, USA and Australia, representatives from left parties and movements throughout the Americas, liberation theology activists and enthusiastic youth contingents, predominantly from Cuba, Brazil and Argentina.
Initially, discussions focused on Che's contribution to political thought and action.
His thoughts on revolutionary strategy, bureaucracy, education, economics, the role of the party, internationalism, attitude to work and democratic centralism were expounded, many presenters describing his non-bureaucratic and practical interpretation of Marxism. The image of Che as a romantic adventurer was thoroughly dispelled.
Che had an indomitable belief in the worth of education and was self-taught in economics and Marxism. Marx's concept that "it is not enough to interpret the world, it must be transformed" was at the heart of Che's life. Che strongly believed that key analytical concepts must be adapted and modified by practice.
Following a study of Che's political legacy, discussion moved on to "What has happened in Latin America in the past 30 years" and the "Relevance of Che's ideas today".
US academic James Petras looked at developments in Latin America over the past four decades, linking the ideas and actions of left movements with those of Che.
Petras described four waves of revolutionary politics, with the third wave ending with the 1990 electoral defeat of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua.
He believes the fourth and current wave, in which there are new forms of struggle, is beginning to shake the continent.
"In Brazil, the landless movement (MST), using class analysis and direct action to achieve agrarian reform, is building a mass movement to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. In Colombia, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and, to a lesser extent, the National Liberation Army (ELN) have increased their influence, particularly in the rural areas.
"In Mexico, the Zapatistas in Chiapas, the Revolutionary People's Army (EPR) in Guerrero and other states, and the revolutionary campesino movements in Oaxaca strengthen the idea of a renewal of revolutionary politics. In Bolivia, thousands of organised cocaine growers and numerous regional campesino organisations have led the struggle against US intervention."
The list continued, demonstrating a growing strength and confidence within the Latin American left. This was manifest in the presentations and interventions of the MST, FARC and other representatives of mass movements.
Petras pointed out that it would be an error to associate Che exclusively with guerilla warfare. Although most revolutionary mass movements throughout the continent are not involved in armed struggle, he sees a "sharp convergence between Che's ideas of revolution and those of the new revolutionary movements".
Both emphasise political education, direct action and struggle in rural areas; both see the struggle in terms of class; and both refuse to subordinate their struggle to elections.
Che's internationalism was raised by many as his most essential political trait and possibly his greatest contribution to the current wave of revolutionary movements.
In the workshop on communications and building networks between mass movements, it was clear that, regardless of where in the continent they lived, activists identified global capitalism as their common enemy and organising to fight back and develop socialist alternatives as their common struggle.
Frei Betto, renowned liberation theologian, spoke humorously and passionately of the need to fight not only in the sphere of economics, but also in the political, social and cultural spheres.
To do so, he explained, "you need the heart and compassion of a Christian combined with the class analysis and praxis of a Marxist. That is, you have to be like Che."