Osama Bin Laden, the mastermind behind the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States that killed about 3000 people, will not be mourned by many people around the world. But his killers used Bin Ladenās crimes to justify wars on Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq that have killed many thousands more. These wars are continuing. The May 3 US Socialist Worker article abridged below says bin Ladenās death should not be used to justify further killings in the name of the āwar on terrorā.
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The assassination of Osama bin Laden was celebrated as rough justice by US politicians across the spectrum and a mainstream media that is glorying in every grisly detail.
It is nothing of the sort. Bin Ladenās death did not make the world āsaferā and āa better placeā, as US President Barack Obama claimed in his televised speech on May 1. This political killing will be used to make the world less safe ā by building support for more violence committed by the US government in the name of the āwar on terrorā.
The hunt for bin Laden was never about justice, but justification. Revenge for al-Qaedaās September 11 attacks was the most effective selling point for US wars and occupations.
These wars werenāt designed to make the world safe from terrorism, but to safeguard the flow of Middle East oil and ensure the continued domination of the US empire.
Now bin Laden is dead, this former US ally-turned-public enemy number one will be exploited again ā his killing proclaimed as a vindication of 10 years of bloodshed on a scale far more horrible than anything al-Qaeda was ever capable of.
News of bin Ladenās death produced an outburst of jingoism and anti-Muslim bigotry in the US. In Portland, Maine, the words āOsama Today Islam tomorow (sic)ā were found spray-painted on a mosque.
As Obama was announcing the killing on television, crowds of people gathered outside the White House to chant āUSA, USA, USAā ā the very image of callous arrogance that stokes bitter anger toward the US around the world.
Anyone who cares about peace and justice needs to raise their voice against such celebrations, because they only pave the way for more war.
Glenn Greenwald said in a May 2 Salon.com article: āWhenever America uses violence in a way that makes its citizens cheer, beam with nationalistic pride, and rally around their leader, more violence is typically guaranteed.ā
The operation to kill bin Laden ā carried out by Navy SEAL commandos inside Pakistan with no notification to a supposed ally, apparently ending with bin Laden being summarily put to death ā was typical of the āwar on terrorā.
The US government claimed the right to be judge, jury and executioner far beyond its borders ā a calculated message to the world that the US recognises no limits on its actions, either from international law or the norms of civilised behavior.
But this is nothing new. For 10 years, the US military machine has been judge, jury and executioner for tens of thousands of Afghans who did nothing more than go to a wedding or travel in the wrong area.
And thatās not to mention the victims of the US who are labelled ārebel fightersā, and whose only crime was to resist an occupation of their country.
The toll of the āwar on terrorā has been compounded many times over with invasions and assaults carried out or backed by the US in Iraq ā the greatest killing field for the US empire in recent years ā in Palestine, Pakistan, Yemen, Sudan, and now in Libya.
Few will mourn bin Ladenās death in and of itself. He was a political reactionary whose ideology and actions set back the cause of democracy and freedom.
The victims of al-Qaedaās attacks against US targets have almost always been ordinary people who bore no responsibility for the crimes of imperialism. In the Middle East and elsewhere, bin Laden and his followers have been equally vicious, if not more so, toward fellow Arabs and Muslims who oppose their hard-line version of Islam.
The US and its allies around the world have not been weakened by September 11 and other such attacks ā on the contrary, al-Qaedaās violence has been used as a pretext to advance the imperial project.
But bin Ladenās assassination is already being used to renovate the āwar on terrorā.
The plan of the George W Bush administration after September 11 was that the US overthrow of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the ouster of Saddam Hussein in Iraq would be the springboard for a transformation of the Arab and Muslim world ā at the point of US guns.
But the resistance in Iraq made a mockery of Bushās claim of āMission Accomplishedā ā just as the continuing opposition to the US and NATO in Afghanistan has frustrated Obamaās troop āsurgeā there.
For the past five years, the ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have grown steadily more unpopular. But now, at last, the US war machine and its cheerleaders have a āsuccessā to celebrate. That is the importance of bin Ladenās killing to the US political establishment ā and the reason the fawning media relishes the grotesque stories of his corpse being dragged away from the murder scene and dumped in the sea.
Obamaās speech announcing the killing included not a single word about the lies used to justify invading and occupying countries halfway around the world ā nor the least recognition of the terrible toll on the region.
On the contrary, as anti-war activist Phyllis Bennis pointed out, Obama equated the operation to kill bin Laden and the ongoing āwar on terrorā with, among other things, the āstruggle for equality for all our citizensā.
Bennis wrote in a May 2 Alternet.org article: āIn President Obamaās iteration, the global war on terror apparently equals the anti-slavery and civil rights movements.ā
One inconvenient truth you wonāt hear much about in the mediaās celebration of bin Ladenās death is the fact that the US government helped him form al-Qaeda.
When the former USSR invaded Afghanistan in 1979, the US saw an opportunity to turn the country into a battlefield in the Cold War.
Successive US governmentās supported fundamentalist rebel groups, known as the mujahideen, against the USSRās occupation.
In their 2006 book Bleeding Afghanistan, James Ingalls and Sonali Kolhatkar said: āThe amount of U.S. and Saudi assistance to these groups started at around [US]$30 million in 1980, and increased to over $1 billion per year in 1986ā89.ā
The US ignored progressive and secular forces in Afghanistan, instead funnelling support to fundamentalist groups that were not only anti-communist, but notorious for their brutality.
Warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, for example, was known for throwing acid in the faces of unveiled women. These were the rebels who Ronald Reagan praised as āfreedom fightersā.
The Taliban emerged in 1994 and took power in the war-ravaged country a few years later. Its members were trained in religious schools set up by the Pakistani government ā with US support ā along the border.
The Talibanās ultra-fundamentalist view of Islam ā including denying women the right to work or even show their faces in public ā wasnāt condemned by the US government at the time.
Bin Laden was a businessman from a wealthy family in Saudi Arabia and one of the first non-Afghan volunteers to join the mujahideen. He recruited some 4000 of the 35,000 non-Afghan Muslims who fought in Afghanistan.
He also worked closely with the CIA, raising money from private Saudi citizens.
Indian journalist Rahul Bhedi wrote: āIn 1988, with U.S. knowledge, bin Laden created al-Qaeda (The Base): a conglomerate of quasi-independent Islamic terrorist cells spread across at least 26 countries.
āWashington turned a blind eye to al-Qaeda, confident that it would not directly impinge on the U.S.ā
Now that bin Laden has been executed, there will be no trial to examine the U.S. government's connections to the man whose murder allegedly makes the world āsaferā.
Nor will there be any difficult questions about the Talibanās offers in 2001 to turn over bin Laden to the US for trial if Washington provided evidence of his crimes.
The Bush administration wanted the āwar on terrorā to project US power around the globe. September 11 was an opening for US leaders.
Then-national security adviser Condoleezza Rice urged aides to speculate about āhow you capitalize on these opportunitiesā from September 11, as she told New Yorker magazine writer Nicholas Lehmann.
While most people were still dealing with the enormity of what happened on September 11, the US political and military establishment was demanding blood.
The nearly 10 years of the āwar on terrorā has taken an even greater toll ā at least 1 million people are dead as a result of the US war and occupation of Iraq alone. US military action has spread from Afghanistan to Iraq, and now to Pakistan, Libya and many more countries.
The āwar on terrorā, justified as the only way to stamp out bin Laden and al-Qaeda, has made the world a more violent and dangerous place.
With every bomb that falls on an Afghan wedding party or every carload of Iraqis slaughtered at a checkpoint, the worldās only superpower created more despair and bitterness toward the US and its allies ā creating the circumstances in which terrorism can thrive.
Since the beginning of this year, the Middle East has become a focal point for the world for very different reasons.
From Tunisia and Egypt in northern Africa to Bahrain in the Persian Gulf and many countries in between, masses of people have risen up against dictators and regimes that uphold the imperialist order ā some of them backed wholeheartedly by the US and others more tentatively.
Bin Laden and al-Qaeda were made irrelevant by the actions of millions of people who rebelled on the basis of mass action and solidarity, not the violence of a small minority seeking to impose its religious views.
The assassination of bin Laden will help Washington in its attempts to retake the initiative with a revitalised āwar on terrorā.
We need to stand up against the grisly celebrations of bin Laden's killing ā and insist, as Martin Luther King did more than 40 years ago, that the āgreatest purveyor of violence in the worldā is the US government.