Spain: Work ā€˜reformsā€™ unleash vital struggle

February 25, 2012
Issue 
Up to 400,000 people rallied in Barcelona on February 19.
Up to 400,000 people rallied in Barcelona on February 19.

Will the Spanish economy benefit from Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy governmentā€™s anti-worker labour market reform?

How tens of millions of people answer that question ā€” and act on their answer ā€” will determine the course of Spanish politics this year and beyond.

The law was announced on February 10 and already in force as a royal decree before adoption by parliament.

The law, Spain's ā€œWork Choices Superā€ includes provisions to make sackings easier, undermine collective bargaining, increase casualisation of the workforce and undermine public sector conditions, among other measures.

The ruling Popular Party (PP) is looking to consolidate its rule by carving two divides within working people: between the younger generation of unemployed workers and their parents (almost required to feel guilty to have a job, especially in the ā€œprotectedā€ public sector); and between the ā€œegoismā€ of the union movement and the ā€œoverall good of Spainā€.

If the PP offensive succeeds, it will take a heavy toll on workersā€™ living standards, job security and their right and ability to organise.

The immediate impact will be more job destruction, as the enforced decline in real wages drives down working-class consumption and overall demand.

But if the union and broader social movements succeed in making Rajoyā€™s labor law unenforceable (or just overwhelmingly hated), the door could open to a one-term PP administration.

Should a broadly-based popular movement against the ā€œreformā€ emerge, it will influence whether the country just flips back to a Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) government (with its own ā€œWork Choices Liteā€) or whether the growth of left and left nationalist forces continues to erode the countryā€™s rigged two-party system.

The impact of this struggle will be felt across Europe, not least because the ā€œreformā€ has been urged by the European Union and other international capitalist institutions. They are all anxious to bring ā€œarchaicā€ Spanish labour practice into line with the neoliberal models elsewhere.

PP strengths

At first glance, the PPā€™s position looks pretty strong. Rajoyā€™s government is exploiting the widespread feeling that ā€œsomething has to be doneā€ about the economy (with 5.3 million official jobless, an economy set to shrink at least 1% this year, rising bankruptcies and mass poverty).

Rajoy also enjoys the whole-hearted support of the employing class and its peak councils. Of the 52 labour market ā€œreformsā€ passed since 1980, this is the first the bosses are really happy about.

However, they still want to see Spainā€™s constitutional right to strike ā€œregulatedā€ and business contributions to the social security fund reduced.

The PP can also draw on the institutional clout it enjoys from governing 11 of Spainā€™s 17 regions. It could pick up two more in the March elections.

In Catalunya, conservative nationalist Convergence and Union (CiU) Premier Artur Mas has also indicated his support for the PP on ā€œlabour reformā€.

In parliament, the PP faces a collapsed PSOE. A February Metroscopia poll shows that party at 23%, 5.7% lower than its worst-ever election result in last November's poll.

But the most important plus for the PP is peopleā€™s fear of losing what they have. The attack takes place in the midst of a dreadful slump.

Mass protests against the labour law on February 19 showed that popular anger is huge. However, it will take serious industrial action to make Rajoy and company retreat.

The uneven response to a 2010 general strike against the previous PSOE governmentā€™s amendments to labour law still weighs strongly on the union movement.

PP weaknesses

However, Spainā€™s various union confederations, led by the Workers Commissions (CCOO) and the General Union of Workers (UGT), can still trump the cards in the PPā€™s hand ā€” if they truly have the will to do so.

The union movement has carried out the most successful industrial action within living memory. In 1988, a general strike forced the PSOE government of Felipe Gonzalez to withdraw plans for reduced lay-off entitlements and ā€œtrash contractsā€ for young people.

In 2002, strike action forced Jose Maria Aznarā€™s PP government to modify plans to lower unemployment pay and compensation for laid-off workers.

Also, official claims the reform is about job creation are so flimsy even treasurer Cristobal Montoro can only bring himself to promise employment gains in a hazy ā€œmedium termā€.

Blaming ā€œlabour market rigidityā€ for Spainā€™s much greater job losses than in other European countries does not stand up to the most casual scrutiny.

From 1995 to 2007, Spainā€™s pool of workers grew by more than 5 million. From the end of 2007 to the end of last year, 2.7 million jobs were lost, yet ā€œrigid labour marketsā€ were the same.

The crucial driver was the surge and then collapse in private business investment.

The most important feature of the investment slump was the bursting of the 2000-2007 housing bubble, which wiped out 1.5 million jobs in the building industry alone. 1.2 million more jobs were lost due to the ensuing collapse in general economic activity.

Then thereā€™s the question of how a national labour market system can produce regional unemployment rates that range from 12.6% (Basque Country) to 30.9% (Andalucia).

The main underlying cause of Spainā€™s 23.8% unemployment rate lies in the economyā€™s high over-specialisation in construction and tourism, two sectors in which part-time and casual work have become endemic.

The regions where these are most important (the south and the Canary and Balearic Islands) are where job losses have been most disastrous.

Spainā€™s economic structure means that the reformā€™s option for containing job losses during downturns ā€” ā€œflexi-securityā€ agreements to cut working time and wages ā€” is largely irrelevant.

These can only ā€œworkā€ in an economy with a broader industrial base that is exposed to less volatile shifts in demand.

The two main reasons the unemployment rate in the Basque Country is so much lower are the regionā€™s greater weight in manufacturing and its influential cooperative movement, which views the sack as the last resort.

Autonomous University of Barcelona economist Josep Oliver Alonso said: ā€œIf Germany, Austria or Holland had experienced Spainā€™s building employment hypertrophy their rate of unemployment would also have exploded.ā€

What next?

The real purpose of Rajoyā€™s ā€œreformā€ is clear enough ā€” to use a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity of deep recession and peopleā€™s fear of job losses to break the spine and institutional weight of the union movement.

Can the unions withstand the onslaught? General secretaries Candido Mandez (UGT) and Ignacio Toxo (CCOO) say they are willing to negotiate ā€œcorrectionsā€ to the legislation, but there is not the slightest sign the government is prepared to compromise.

That leaves union leaders to decide their next steps in a campaign they call ā€œan intense and sustained process of mobilisations and informationā€.

For Toxo, the key goal is ā€œto change the state of mind of people, beginning with the workersā€. He told Spanish television that ā€œin any other circumstanceā€ the delegatesā€™ meeting that decided on the February 19 protests would have convened a general strike.

ā€œBut thatā€™s what the government wants ā€” to wear us out at the outset. It trusts that people are demobilised and fearful and that its own extra dose of legitimacy will stop people from following the unions along the path of general mobilisation.ā€

But the vast turnout on February 19 revealed that millions want further action from the union movement.

By the same token, it also spurred the employers to crank up their own propaganda campaign about young people bludging on benefits and refusing job offers.

Against the developing government-employer offensive, the unions will need all potential sources of support. These include, in particular, potential-but-still-suspicious allies in the indignado and broader social movements.

The goal must be to make them real collaborators in a common campaign for the rights of workers and the unemployed.

The other challenge will be to galvanise the unionsā€™ delegate structures to carry the message about Rajoyā€™s ā€œreformā€ to non-unionised workers and the broader community.

As for the timing of a future Spain-wide general strike, a good clue may come on March 29, when the Basque nationalist unions conduct a general strike in the Basque Country and Navarra.

[Dick Nichols is Ā鶹“«Ć½ Weeklyā€™s European correspondent, based in Barcelona.]

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