Members of Brazil's Landless Workers' Movement (MST), which fights for land reform and the rights of poor farmers.
Industrial agriculture and financial sectors are hand-in-hand worsening climate change and then profiting from it, with an unprecedented number of land grabs over the last eight years, according to a report released in June.
The campaign group GRAIN explained that land grabs are heightening food insecurity, entrenching corporate agriculture schemes, and increasing and intensifying land conflicts.
The wave of global land grabs borne out of the 2008 food and financial crises has now reached tsunami proportions. GRAIN's research shows that the number of land grab initiatives has ballooned from 100 in 2008 to 491 this year.
The grabs span 78 countries across the globe with large concentrations in Africa, and to a lesser extent in Latin America, East Asia and the Pacific. And climate change is compounding the situation.
鈥淲e now have even more evidence that climate change is caused not just by burning coal and oil for transport and energy, but by the industrial food system itself and the corporate quest for profits that drives its expansion,鈥 the report states. 鈥淚ndeed, climate change and land grabs are inextricably linked.鈥
The people suffering the brunt of this are small-scale farmers, pastoralists, and indigenous communities, who are displaced by multinational corporations and financial investors scrambling for arable lands and water resources.
Kartini Samon, a GRAIN researcher from Indonesia, said land grabs are also a form of neocolonialism.
鈥淚f we reflect on the old style of colonialism ... [it] is really about extracting natural resources and cheap labour; expanding plantations in colonial lands like the case in Indonesia,鈥 Samon told TeleSUR English.
鈥淭he pattern is the same now, but using different strategies either through trade and investment agreements or implementing laws that legalise the process to happen.鈥
The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), for instance, is a trade agreement on the verge of passage that is spearheaded by the United States. It includes 11 Pacific Rim countries that encompass almost half of the global economy.
It facilitates export-oriented industrial agriculture and allows corporations to sue governments over public interest laws that could cover anything from land to labour and environmental policies.
The TPP is just part of a decades-long legacy of free trade agreements perpetuating this pattern, starting in 1994 with the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement. NAFTA, involving Canada, the US and Mexico, has served largely as a model for all the trade deals that came after it.
These same principles are also championed by international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
The GRAIN report said policy makers and corporate board rooms are trying to mask these destructive land deals in the language of 鈥渃orporate social responsibility鈥, through voluntary 鈥渇rameworks" and 鈥済uidelines鈥 to minimise social and environmental costs.
鈥淭he language has been used to greenwash new land grabs,鈥 said Samon. 鈥淏oth politically and in practice, it rarely works to the advantage of local communities. Rather, it creates a mirage of accountability 鈥 nothing more than a public relations exercise.鈥
Violent land conflicts are another component of the past decade's land grabbing phenomenon. Canada-based GRAIN researcher Devlin Kuyek told TeleSUR English: 鈥淭he major issue for us comparing 2008 to now is that now we have seen so many conflicts erupt, people have died and people have been arrested.鈥
Kuyek said this has a lot to do with the fact that now these deals have gone from being signed agreements to actually being implemented.
Samon agreed, noting: 鈥淚n recent years we see how there's growing repression and human rights violations happening to grassroots resistance and land defenders. From Cambodia to Cameroon, from Indonesia to Ivory Coast, we see increasing threats and the use of violence to repress communities fighting back.鈥
But amid the violence, poverty and desperation caused by these land grabs, grassroots resistance is growing.
鈥淭here is more of a convergence of peasant movements, farmer organizations and of larger civil society movements recognizing the major issue here, and that is it's a structural change that is required,鈥 said Kuyek.
He added that because the policy-making process is 鈥渟o captured by corporate interests,鈥 social movement organising may be the best, if not last hope, to reversing, or even curbing the land grabbing scourge.
鈥淭he issue is about the transformation of power and you see the social movements that are active in agriculture and active on land issues understand that it's about social transformation. I think where there's a promise for change and where social movements have their strength is that sort of convergence of struggles.鈥
[Reprinted from .]
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