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Following the death of former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori on September 11, the current coup government declared three days of national mourning and granted him a state funeral. Corporate-owned media in Peru — always his allies and supporters — lined up to pay tribute, while glossing over the realities and legacy of his brutal regime.

International media were quick to highlight Fujimori as a “” and “” figure, as if his legacy boils down to a matter of personal perspective, rather than the murders, human rights violations and widespread inequality he was responsible for.

After coming to power on a populist platform in 1990, Fujimori immediately imposed a United States-sponsored neoliberal “shock therapy” on the country that involved privatising public enterprises, eliminating state subsidies and weakening labour laws.

Fujimori strengthened his hold in 1992 through a notorious autogolpe (“self-coup”), where he suspended the constitution, dissolved Congress, stacked the judiciary and unleashed the military onto the streets of Peru.

He introduced a new constitution the following year that gave him greater powers, deepened the neoliberal assault and further concentrated power and wealth in the hands of the economic elite.

The legacy of Fujimori’s policies, which have continued under successive governments, is a deeply unequal country with widespread poverty. The top 1% almost half (44.7%) of the country’s wealth, while the bottom 50% control almost nothing (0.1%). While the average poverty rate is already a staggering , this rises to more than 40% in Peru’s poorest inland regions.

Fujimori’s 10 years in power were characterised by rampant corruption and horrific acts of violence against Peruvians.

Under the purported aim of targeting armed guerilla groups, Fujimori gave the military and police free reign to kill, torture and disappear tens of thousands of people with impunity.

He oversaw the euphemistically named National Family Planning Program that at least 294,000 Indigenous people — mostly women — between 1995–2001.

Fujimori was finally tried in 2009 for his role in the , where he ordered the notorious Grupo Colina military death squad to murder 25 people, including a child.

Later that year, he was found guilty of corruption, including embezzlement and phone-tapping journalists and opposition politicians, and sentenced to 25 years in prison.

In an insult to the victims, survivors and relatives of those impacted by his dictatorship, Peru’s constitutional court — controlled by his political allies and ideological adherents — ruled to release Fujimori from prison last December. He had served 16 years.

Fujimori never showed a glimmer of remorse for his actions, and before his death even hinted that he would run as a candidate in the 2026 presidential elections. He also died without paying a single cent of the (A$22 million) he owed in civil reparations to the state of Peru for various corrupt uses of government funds.

Fujimori’s legacy lives on in Fujimorismo, an ideology defined by its extreme social conservatism, authoritarianism and adherence to neoliberal doctrine.

Fujimori’s daughter, Keiko, continues to champion Fujimorismo as leader of the far-right Popular Force party that dominates Congress. From this position, she can approve laws that benefit herself, Fujimoristas and the rest of the economic elite.

A prime example occurred when Congress — dominated by an alliance of Fujimoristas — a law last month that prohibits anyone from being prosecuted for crimes against humanity that were committed before July 1, 2002. This guarantees impunity for military figures and police responsible for torture, murders and disappearances during Fujimori’s dictatorship, which ended in 2000.

The latest law adds to the existing almost-insurmountable barriers for victims and their families seeking justice for violence suffered at the hands of the police and military. Out of the more than 20,000 registered cases of forced disappearances — the actual numbers are much higher — have resulted in sentencings.

Fujimori’s legacy was to deeply entrench a governmental model of authoritarianism and neoliberalism, which is upheld today by the Fujimoristas that dominate the judicial system, military and Congress.

The Peruvian Association for Human Rights — the legal defence organisation for the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta court cases — following Fujimori’s death that “the judgement of history will remember him as the leader of a government that sowed death, pain and corruption in the country”.

“The holding of funerals with honours is not only an insult to the memory of victims, but also a demonstration of contempt for their suffering.”

Communities held across the country for the victims of the Fujimori regime’s violence.