Yuriy Samoilov is an Independent Trade Union of Miners of Ukraine (NPGU) leader in Kryvyi Rih and an activist with the left-wing organisation Social Movement.
In this interview with 鶹ý’s Federico Fuentes, conducted with the help of Serhii Shlyapnikov, Samoilov discusses how unions are dealing with the twin challenges of foreign occupation and domestic attacks on workers’ rights.
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What have been the effects on people’s morale of Russia’s relentless attacks on energy infrastructure?
There were numerous attacks on energy infrastructure during summer [June–August]. Everyone is stocking up on generators and batteries.
Heating has not yet been turned on in large buildings, yet it snowed yesterday [November 13], so people are already freezing and fear the coming winter, especially the elderly and those with children.
In Kryvyi Rih, Russian attacks now concentrate on residential areas and hotels. Civilians, entire families, have been killed.
Just a few days ago, there was a strike near our trade union office. A large five-story building was destroyed. Several people died, including a mother and her three young children — the youngest just seven-months old.
Everyone is afraid of further attacks.
As for energy facilities, the Russians have bombed everything they could. The only remaining targets are nuclear power plants, but hitting those would represent a whole different situation.
If a missile hit the Rivne Nuclear Power Plant, all of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic would be covered by radiation.
They may start bombing certain distribution substations near nuclear plants; we are used to this because they did it last year.
How have trade unions contributed to defending Ukraine’s sovereignty?
Half of NPGU members joined the front as soon as the war started. They either signed up for the Territorial Defence or were drafted into the army.
Today, about 70% of those who were members at the start of the war are fighting.
Trade unions provide strong support to those who are fighting because they remain union members. But trade union membership has decreased because of the war.
We cover workers in large enterprises, where it is easier for military recruitment. Now, there are exemptions that mean workers cannot be conscripted into the army. But in general, everyone feels pressure to go and fight.
The Territorial Defence training centres are very harsh and operate in a provocative manner. Recruiters enter enterprises such as ArcelorMittal, but trade unions oppose this.
Have unions had to put aside their own demands and actions, such as strikes to maintain wages, in order not to be seen as undermining the war effort?
Currently, at the Kryvyi Rih Iron Ore Plant, we are involved in a labour dispute. Despite the war, we are demanding a 20% salary rise. We are negotiating within the legal framework available to us.
Before the war, strikes and protests were recognised by the courts as legal. Now, we continue to push our demands without resorting to protests or strikes.
We are indeed limited in what actions we can take to protect our rights.
How have trade unions reacted to moves by Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, to restrict worker’s rights?
The working class and trade unions have no party in the Verkhovna Rada that represents their interests.
Riding the wave of hope that Volodymyr Zelensky represented in 2019, several parties without any real ideology entered the Verkhovna Rada. Trade unions do not know how to work with these parties.
They also have not found ways to amend legislation in parliament because of the war.
In contrast, trade unions previously defeated attempts to pass a new Labour Code.
This was due to the work of trade unions and the intervention of international trade union organisations.
There have been reports in the West of increasing war fatigue in Ukraine. How do people in Ukraine feel about speculation over what would most likely be an unfair peace deal?
More than fatigue, which has already passed, we now have apathy. Apathy is worse. Most people no longer expect anything.
I feel like this is a repeat of 1943 [when half of Ukraine was under Nazi occupation and the prospects for victory seemed uncertain].
I feel that Western support for Ukraine will disappear and we will be left alone to deal with Russian imperialism.
Do many share your fears regarding a drop in Western support?
We are in a situation similar to Czechoslovakia in 1938. The leaders of Europe and the United States view the situation just as they did then, when Europe sought ways to appease Hitler.
Just like many other countries in the world, Ukraine is not considered part of the “civilised” world. In this sense, there is no distinction between us and the nations of Latin America, Asia or Africa — the West treats us all the same way.
What would you say to governments who seek to use Ukraine’s just war of self-defence as a pretext to cut back on social spending?
In Ukraine, the social rights of workers and trade unions are also being cut back. Governments of other countries look at this and see if they can follow the same path.
They seek any excuse to cut social benefits for workers. We should not listen to such excuses.
How can trade unions best help their Ukrainian counterparts?
It is important to point out that international trade unions have only suspended the membership of Russian trade unions that support military aggression against Ukraine.
Since 2014, the property of trade unions in Crimea and the occupied territories have been handed over to yellow trade unions based in Russia.
I do not know the full situation, but I would like to know how global and European trade unions can accept money from them. Part of the dues these unions collect are from bloodied regions of Ukraine.
The least we should expect from international [trade unions] is they do not dirty their hands with the blood of Russian imperialism.
Do you feel that help is not currently being provided by trade unions and left-wing organisations?
It is important to say that help is being provided.
For example, our city was left without clean water. This created a situation I have not seen anywhere else, where stores are only selling clean water.
In response, trade unions from Europe and across the world, as well as some left-wing groups, raised funds to buy filters so we could distribute water for free to certain parts of the population.
But many left-wing groups continue holding pro-Russian positions.
They believe there is only one imperialism, US imperialism, and claim Russian imperialism does not exist. Yet there are many imperialisms.
Independent left-wing groups and trade unions can help us by telling the world about the independent left in Ukraine and the fact that there are left-wing Ukrainians fighting on the front and organising among workers.
This is important because many see left-wing politics as tied to Russia’s imperialism.
Instead, we need to build an internationalism within the labour movement that seeks to unite all the workers of the world — in Europe, the US, Latin America, Africa, Asia and Ukraine.
[Abridged from .]