
Drone Warfare: Killing By Remote Control
Medea Benjamin
Verso, 2013
246 pages, $24.95(pb)
āNever before in the history of warfare,ā boasted the Wall Street Journal, āhave we been able to distinguish as well between combatants and civilians as we can with dronesā.
The Obama administration has helped in this claim, writes Medea Benjamin in her book on the āunmanned aerial vehicleā, by conveniently defining every military-age male in a drone strike zone as a ācombatantā.
The 60% domestic support that drones enjoy in the US rests largely on the reputation of the drone as āthe cost-free magic wand that can eliminate terrorā.
āDonāt you want the bad guys to die?ā is the argument used to silence doubters as drone killings of Taliban and Al Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and north Africa comes with the bonus of zero US military casualties.
As Benjamin shows, however, the āgood weaponā status of the drone is undeserved. To a drone āpilotā eight thousand miles away in Nevada, a āa tall, bearded man in a robeā who may be a terrorist ācan look just like another tall bearded man in a robeā who isnāt.
The innocent are not only killed accidentally as wrongly identified targets, but also incidentally as bystanders caught in the blast radius of a drone missile as it strikes a suspected terrorist.
Others to pay with their lives are those with a āpattern of lifeā of a militant, an ill-defined category which accounts for most drone strikes. So, of the estimated 3400 people killed by CIA drone strikes in Pakistan, most have been either innocent civilians or those whose assumed terrorist sympathies were untested by the right to trial.
The US drone network powers on regardless, turbo-charged by Washingtonās global āwar on terrorā, which has boosted the Pentagonās drone fleet from 50 (primarily for battlefield surveillance) a decade ago to 7500. This includes 800 of the larger, weaponised drones up to the size of commercial jet planes.
Drone stocks are added to by the CIA (which operates the most drones), the Department of Homeland Security and the mercenary forces of Blackwater (now known as Academi).
These agencies pump bucket-loads of recession-proof money into the veins of corporate America for the drone hardware, the surveillance software and the missiles. General Atomics, Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon all line up for a share of the Pentagonās annual US$5 billion procurement program and the CIAās unknown amount from its ultra-secretive āblack budgetā.
Cheaper only in comparison to nine-figure fighter jet price tags, drones are still mighty expensive (the most popular model, the Predator, rings up $5 million per drone, the Reaper $28 million) whilst the Hellfire missile rakes in a tidy $68,000 a pop.
The drone has not completely solved the ethical problem of human agency, however. Drones have been explicitly designed to exploit āyouth gaming cultureā, the dronesā teenage āpilotsā trained to adopt a āPlayStation mentalityā to real killing. The in-house US military slang for drone deaths is ābugsplatā.
Real-time video-feed, however, allows the āpilotsā to witness the results of their murders up close. This can be distressing (āItās hard to go home to oneās own family after wiping out someone elseās,ā comments Benjamin).
So the āpilotsā are taught to compartmentalise their lives between work and home, and to rationalise their actions as doing a bit of evil in order to do good, while research into enhanced robotisation with pre-programmed, computer-automated drones seeks to eliminate the ātroublesome emotions and consciencesā of even the ācubicle warriorsā.
Keen to keep the reality of drone warfare from public consciousness, the White House has recently (after Benjaminās book went to press) been forced to cede more transparency and tighter restrictions on drone use to better manage their image.
This is in response not only to campaigns by anti-war and anti-drone activists, but also because of Washingtonās growing realisation of the harm that drones are doing to US geo-political interests from nominal allies such as Pakistan where three quarters of the population now consider the US an enemy.
Obamaās summary execution of suspected terrorists has not solved the US administrationās problems of regional hostility.
There are peaceful purposes for non-weaponised surveillance drones, says Medea. They were used by governments to check radiation levels at the stricken Fukushima nuclear plant in Japan and to monitor wildlife after floods in Australia. The anti-whaling Sea Shepherd uses them to detect illegal whaling in the Pacific Ocean.
This, however, is a far cry from, and a fiscally wasteful gulf between, the state-sponsored assassinations, semi-covert wars and militarised thinking of the US government.