By Neville Spencer
After 1997, when the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) called off peace talks with the Mexican government, progress on the Zapatistas' demands for indigenous rights stalled. Although moves by Mexico's new president to meet the Zapatistas' preconditions for restarting talks have fallen short of his promises, the issue is now back on the centre stage of Mexican politics.
Peace talks with the Mexican government began in 1994 after the EZLN led an uprising in the southern state of Chiapas. Of the various issues to be discussed at the talks, reaching an agreement on indigenous rights was first on the agenda. An accord was successfully concluded on the issue. Legislation to implement the accord was drawn up by the Commission for Concordance and Pacification (COCOPA) — a mediation commission comprising representatives of each of the political parties represented in Congress. However, when the government refused to submit the legislation to Congress to implement the agreement, the EZLN called off the talks.
Preconditions for peace
The EZLN has laid down three preconditions for the re-establishment of peace talks. The first is the implementation of the COCOPA legislation. Second is the release of all Zapatista prisoners. Third is the removal of military bases from Zapatista communities. Military bases had been progressively set up in or adjacent to many of the communities known to support the EZLN.
Vicente Fox, during his campaign for the July 2000 presidential election, had promised to meet the Zaptistas' preconditions and restart the peace talks. Fox, the candidate of the National Action Party (PAN), narrowly won the election, ending 71 years of continuous rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The PAN is the most conservative of Mexico's three major parties and, as such, is generally the most antithetical to the aims of the Zapatistas.
Since taking office in December, Fox has gradually moved to meet his promise on the removal of military bases in Chiapas and the release of prisoners. Fox also introduced the COCOPA legislation to Congress in December.
However, the bill on indigenous rights that was eventually passed by the Chamber of Deputies on April 27 has been condemned by the EZLN and indigenous organisations as a mutilation of the original legislation. It was passed with the support of the PAN and PRI, while the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) opposed it.
The bill prohibits all forms of discrimination; guarantees women's rights, including participation in local government; and recognises indigenous autonomy in the areas of culture, education, language and local government. But, in spite of the recognition of indigenous autonomy, concrete measures to implement it were removed from the bill, in large part due to pressure from PAN deputies and senators. In a public statement, the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) stated that: "The law... eliminates substantial parts of the COCOPA initiative, such as: recognition of the communities as entities with legal rights; recognition of indigenous territories; the collective use and benefit of the natural resources found in said territories; and the possibility of the association of indigenous communities and counties."
Campaign against bill
The CNI and EZLN are now campaigning against the legislation. Since constitutional changes are involved, it also has to be ratified by a majority of Mexico's 31 states. Demonstrators have urged state legislatures not to ratify it. As of July 12, 17 states had ratified the constitutional changes and nine had voted against.
The vote against ratification in Morelos was not counted, as its constitution requires a two-thirds majority for ratification or rejection. Opponents of the legislation have claimed that nine of the states included among the 17 in favour also failed to achieve two-thirds majorities as required by their constitutions. Nonetheless, the PRI and PAN are pressing to have the changes made into law.
The EZLN has so far shunned the idea of any talks with the government until its preconditions have been fully met, and has instead concentrated on building support for the implementation of the indigenous rights accord among the Mexican people. Its main initiative was the "Zapatour" it organised in February and March.
On February 24, 23 commanders of the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee of the EZLN and spokesperson Sub-comandante Marcos left Chiapas on a caravan to Mexico City with the aim of calling for support for the COCOPA legislation. On the way, they visited 12 states and met with most of Mexico's 56 ethnic groups and participated in the third National Indigenous Congress. On arrival in Mexico City on March 11 they were met by a crowd estimated at up to 250,000 — Mexico's largest demonstration ever, according to La Jornada.
Having used the promise of peace with the Zapatistas as an election campaign issue, Fox was obliged to give his blessing to the Zapatour. Other prominent PAN members made calls for the Zapatistas to be arrested as soon as they left Chiapas.
An invitation to meet with Fox while in Mexico City was turned down by the Zapatistas as they kept to their word of refusing any talks until their preconditions had been met. However, their demand to address Congress was reluctantly accepted after much debate and a close vote. Comandante Esther addressed the Chamber of Deputies on March 28, though all but two PAN representatives headed the call by their national leadership to boycott the session.
The EZLN used the opportunity of the Zapatour to broaden their support and to make links with other organisations. One of the most significant meetings they had was with the democratic union movement.
The PRI had previously had a stranglehold on Mexico's union movement which it used for the suppression of workers' rights. The recent growth of an independent and democratic union movement is one of the most important developments in Mexican politics in decades. The unions pledged their support for indigenous rights while the EZLN re-emphasised its orientation to fighting for the rights of all oppressed groups, not only the indigenous.