Xanana: 'A solution for East Timor'
The following is abridged from a paper written by XANANA GUSMAO and presented by Virgilio Guterres da Silva to the "Indonesia after Suharto" conference, organised by the New Zealand Asia Institute of the University of Auckland, on September 10. Commander Xanana Gusmao is president of the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT).
At this decisive time in the history of East Timor, and of Indonesia, the East Timorese people strongly hope that the reform process in Indonesia will bring about true democratisation, where justice will prevail over repression.
We have been deprived, as have many in Indonesia, of the right to live peacefully as a nation and a people. We have been deprived of the right to act freely. We have, instead, been subjected to a horrifying reign of violence and military crime.
We yearn for peace. Real peace means peace of the spirit. This peace of the spirit can only flourish when repression and fear do not threaten, and when law prevails over governments.
New approaches are required when looking for a solution to the question of East Timor. The spirit of reform, growing in Indonesia, must also be applied to the East Timor issue.
The new Indonesian government must demonstrate, not just a shift of direction, but a real change of heart, from the old arrogance, lies, corruption and use of force. Peace is not just political, but is also spiritual.
Since that terrible day in December 1975, it has been very clear to the East Timorese people that they have been facing a powerful neighbour armed by powerful friends.
In spite of the enormous imbalance of forces, our confidence in our capacity to resist on our own was strengthened by the conviction that the colonial regime of President Suharto would one day succumb to the natural law of evolution. History illustrated this, so our catchcry of "To resist is to win" also became our conviction. Time, we were sure, was with us.
Meanwhile, in Jakarta, Suharto was convinced that time was on his side, for all the machinery of terror and money to corrupt — the only weapons he knew — were in his hands.
People's conscience and moral strength were factors that President Suharto did not understand. Happily, during these last six months, it is the conscience and moral strength of Indonesians themselves which is coming to our aid. It seems that time is on our side.
It is common knowledge that the occupation of East Timor has been, indeed still is, very lucrative for members of the Suharto family and some Indonesian generals. Income has been substantial.
However expenditure is also substantial and, with the economic crisis, is becoming a huge burden. Military analysts estimate that more than a billion US dollars are spent on direct military costs per year in East Timor. Indonesia now realises those costs must be cut, but equally that their face must be saved.
Autonomy or independence?
As part of Jakarta's decentralisation strategy for the provinces, the Indonesia government is offering East Timor a "wide ranging" autonomy.
This could be regarded as an important concession by the new government, however such autonomy is only acceptable as a transitional phase in the journey towards a referendum, and not as an end in itself.
Moreover, it should not imply recognition of the illegal annexation of East Timor by Indonesia in 1976. It should not assume Indonesian sovereignty. The right to self-determination of the East Timorese people still exists. It is not negotiable. It must be exercised — and soon.
In recent declarations, [Indonesia's foreign affairs minister] Ali Alatas has presented this "autonomy" proposal as the solution to the conflict. Has he abandoned his former arrogant claim that "integration is something not to be discussed"? Does he not now replace it with the equally arrogant claim that autonomy is the only option to be discussed? Is this his way of cutting costs, while saving face?
Such a concept of autonomy sounds like a concession from a sovereign power which is allowing some devolution of power to one of its constituent parts.
This is totally false. East Timor was militarily annexed by Indonesia, and is not part of Indonesia. The act of pseudo-legal integration that took place in May 1976 on a small bridgehead of conquered East Timorese land occurred at the very time that the majority of us were fighting against integration, as we are still are fighting it today.
The East Timorese people are still waiting for, and demanding, the opportunity to choose their own political future.
If Mr. Alatas was sincere about reform and devolution of power to the people, he would not speak for the East Timorese, but would let them speak for themselves. Dialogue needs to be open and earnest, and oriented towards the possibility of reaching compromises that satisfy all parties.
The joint communiqué issued on August 5 by the United Nations, Portugal and Indonesia at the conclusion of the recent ministerial talks in New York, shows some positive steps in this direction.
I welcome the opening of "special interest Â鶹´«Ã½" allowing for the presence of a Portuguese diplomat in Indonesia and vice versa. The Indonesian government did not object, as it did previously, to the UN secretary-general's consulting directly with East Timorese leaders. These are small steps forward.
Another important discussion point was the Intra-East Timorese Dialogue planned for October. It is right that Indonesia no longer forbids the discussion of the political status of the territory at this dialogue, for this is the very kernel of the problem.
In addition, Indonesia should stop claiming that all dialogue participants coming from Indonesia are pro-integration — they are not — while all those living abroad are anti-integration.
Those taking part in the dialogue should be greater in number, and also more representative of those East Timorese who live inside East Timor. The voice of East Timorese people living inside East Timor has not been heard.
Most deserving of a voice are the youth, the spokespersons for the aspirations of today's East Timorese. Here is an important consulting role for Jamsheed Marker, Kofi Annan's special representative.
Referendum
There can be no genuine solution to the East Timor problem without a referendum. We vigorously demand this right of ours — a right denied to us for 23 years and ignored by the world.
We will not be put off with compromises, such as autonomy. We will not be put off by delaying tactics, such as "wait for five years". This is not what 200,000 of my brothers and sisters died for. Indonesia must withdraw — unconditionally. Once gone, we will begin to build up a new East Timor.
If Indonesia does withdraw, as it is legally obliged to, then a referendum is unnecessary. But let us hold a referendum, in order to show the world, and particularly the Indonesians, the strength of our unity and the intensity of our desire to be East Timorese.
That referendum must be held soon, as the youth of East Timorese so loudly demand. If we wait, who knows who the next Indonesian president may be. A general?
Can we withstand, for ever, the "bribe and divide" strategy of the Indonesian army? Indeed can we trust the Indonesians at all? Their United Nations trusteeship of West Papua from 1963 to 1969 produced nothing less than a 100% unanimous vote for integration into Indonesia. Is this to be our fate if we wait?
As a conciliatory gesture at the time of the ministerial talks, Mr Alatas pointed to Indonesia's reduction in Indonesian armed forces in East Timor. In August, journalists were flown to Dili at Indonesian government expense to film 1000 Indonesian troops — later reduced to 400 — boarding ships to return home to Indonesia. This was the beginning of a large troop reduction program, said Mr Alatas.
This is a false claim which is completely in line with similar false claims that have been made by Indonesia since 1980.
Since the filming of this thousand-strong troop withdrawal, a total of 3500 troops have taken their place. No cameramen were invited to watch their arrival, for they landed at secret army jetties at Viqueque, Com and Carabelo, near Vemasse.
The world should be in no doubt that the concessions and reforms granted to Aceh, and the students of Jakarta, have no equivalent in East Timor. Fighting is continuing at this very moment, alongside repression and torture. Not an inch of ground has been yielded by the Indonesians, not a single tangible concession. The fight continues, but we need, more than ever at this decisive point in our history, the influence and weight that the liberal democratic world can give.
So that you can see the shape of our small but independent Republic of East Timor on the horizon, may I give you five small insights?
First, East Timor will be a neighbourly country. A UN member, we will focus upon regional friendliness, with applications for membership with the Association of South East Asian Nations, and the South Pacific Forum.
Second, East Timor will be a democratic country. This means real democracy, not a one-party democracy, not a rigged democracy. Underlying this democracy, and essential to it, will be a judicial system which is independent of the government.
Third, East Timor will be a peace-promoting country. East Timor will have no armed forces, and vigorously promote reconciliation amongst its citizens, who have for years been forcibly divided by the Indonesian army.
Fourth, East Timor will be a developing country, eager to develop its oil and minerals, its farmland, its tree crops, its coffee, its cattle, its fisheries, and its tourist attractions.
Fifth, East Timor will be a country which cares for its people, and whose people are listened to. Its people will be educated, given back their health, and helped to gain employment and derive a livelihood from their land. The people's daily culture, and its many languages, will be valued and once again be handed back to the people, who originally were its guardians.
Time will continue to be on our side, however, this may mean more suffering and disablement. Armed brutality cannot destroy our spirit, or the feeling for our distinctive East Timorese identity. But I stress, this feeling is not for sale. Please therefore, take our vision for East Timor and our solution for peace, and then, if it is in your heart to do so, fight alongside us to realise it.