The War of the Gods: Religion and Politics in Latin America
By Michael Löwy
Verso, 1996. 163 pp., $35(pb)
Review by Sandra Wallace
Michael Löwy's War of the Gods tackles the relationship between religion and politics from a Marxist point of view. The debate around the compatibility of the two ideologies has been particularly important in Latin America, where the Catholic Church is a major social force.
In many countries, the church has had to react to the proliferation of right-wing dictatorships and conservative governments over the last three decades. The most radical reaction to these oppressive regimes has been liberation theology, a socially and often politically conscious movement that goes against the alliance of the church hierarchy with the repressive state.
Although not all liberation theologists label themselves communists, many clergy and lay parishioners have joined the struggle for socialism.
Löwy gives a good introduction to the theoretical basis of liberation theology, its relationship to capitalism and its similarities to socialist theory.
Liberation theology stems from a reappraisal of the church's role in a poor and oppressed community. This reappraisal was very much influenced by the Cuban Revolution in 1959, which proved the possibility of a reorganisation of society that abolished the systematic oppression of the poor.
The "father" of liberation theology, Peruvian priest Gustavo Gutierrez, denied the prevalent dualist philosophy of Christianity — that one must bear the suffering of the material world, and the separate experience of heaven will bring rewards for the pain of life.
Gutierrez also called for a self-liberation of the poor through consciousness and action, in contrast to the developmentalist theology of the day, which emphasised charity and development in the capitalist mode, in which the poor were encouraged to accept low wages and bad conditions for the sake of profit.
Gutierrez was a harsh critic of the individualist nature of capitalism, which discourages community and collective action. Löwy sees this sentiment as the key to uncovering the reason behind the partnership of Marxism and Christianity in liberation theology.
Löwy sees that Catholicism is not a soul mate of capitalism to the extent of Protestantism, as expounded by Weber, who saw that the work ethic of Protestantism, coupled with an elevation of extreme austerity and an emphasis on individualism, was compatible with the profit drive of capitalism.
Löwy believes that Catholicism is anti-capitalist in its romantic idealisation of pre-capitalist hierarchy and community, and that this makes it compatible with socialist anti-capitalist struggles.
Löwy tends to overemphasise the significance of this connection with the pre-capitalist past and underplays the extremely malleable nature of religion. Catholicism has often been the ally of capital and has transformed itself in many instances into a more efficient servant of oppressive regimes.
Löwy's historical analysis of liberation theology covers Brazil, Nicaragua and El Salvador.
Brazil is the only country where liberation theology has won decisive influence. In the early '80s the church was seen by the ruling elite as the most powerful opposition force; it played a major role in the growth of social movements, from radical trade unions to women's movements. Ecclesiastical Base Communities organised and educated the poor.
In 1995 Rome finally succeeded in the appointment of a conservative archbishop whose primary campaigns are against contraception and abortion.
Progressive clergy and lay people were integral in the victory of the Nicaraguan revolution in 1979. The Sandinista National Liberation Front had an inclusive policy from the outset, stating that there was no conflict between a person's role as a committed revolutionary and a practising Christian. Priests held important governmental and leadership positions despite orders from the pope to relinquish their political responsibilities.
In the late '70s and early '80s the church of El Salvador played a major role in the opposition to the repressive dictatorship of the time. Oscar Romero, the archbishop of San Salvador, was assassinated by a government-backed death squad after he delivered "subversive" sermons calling on the poor to organise themselves against their persecutors.
The death of the archbishop solidified a tradition of revolutionary Christianity throughout El Salvador.
Löwy's assessment of the future of liberation theology is one of guarded optimism. Liberation theology, though not as popular or influential as it was 20 years ago, is playing an important part in new revolutionary struggles in places such as Chiapas in Mexico, where Bishop Samuel Ruiz is openly sympathetic to the peasants of the Zapatista Liberation Army.
The current pope has attempted to distance the church from any left-wing movements and has condemned any progressive action by the church. While his term continues, the left will continue to be without support from Rome.