Looking behind the 'Clivosaurus' show

February 6, 2015
Issue 
Despite his image, Rundle says there is more to Palmer than money lust, populist theatrics and celebrity-seeking.

Clivosaurus: The Politics Of Clive Palmer
Guy Rundle
Quarterly Essay
November 2014
Black Inc., $19.99

Elected in 2013 by the curious, the disaffected and the dark arts of preference deals, billionaire Queensland coal baron Clive Palmer and his Senate threesome, were, at first, writes Guy Rundle in Clivosaurus, ignored or played for laughs by the establishment media.

These subscribers to an 鈥渙rderly鈥 two-party parliamentary system reduced the Palmer United Party to the federal-leveraged revenge of a jilted plutocrat against the Queensland Liberal National Party (LNP) government.

The LNP had spurned their life member and generous donor by rejecting favourable 鈥渕ajor project status鈥 鈥 and the rail and port infrastructure that would come with it 鈥 for Palmer鈥檚 proposed Galilee Basin coal mining project.

Rundle, a former editor of the Marxist-aligned Arena Magazine, knows that material, class interest packs much explanatory power about Palmer 鈥 his support for the new federal government鈥檚 repeal of Labor鈥檚 carbon and mining taxes was 鈥渘aked self-interest鈥.

But, argues Rundle, the mining tycoon鈥檚 鈥渞ight-wing market fundamentalism鈥 and 鈥渞elentless anti-environmentalism鈥 should not be assumed.

There is, says Rundle, more to Palmer than money lust, populist theatrics and celebrity-seeking. There is a 鈥渕oral seriousness鈥 beneath Palmer鈥檚 rich clown act. Its core is 鈥渕ildly centre-right politics grounded in Catholic traditions and social movement doctrine鈥, which goes back to the mid-20th century United Australia Party.

This ideology helps explain Palmer鈥檚 opposition to the Abbott government鈥檚 health, welfare and education budget measures that unfairly target the poor.

From grasping capitalist to a 鈥減eople鈥檚 hero鈥 saving the pillars of the 鈥渟ocial democratic Australian state鈥 is not so implausible compared to some of Palmer鈥檚 mining peers, such as the almost cartoon-esque villainous Gina Rinehart, for example.

It is just as plausible, however, to argue that pragmatism, not principle, drives the outsider capitalist politician who doesn鈥檛 want to have his electorally-necessary 鈥渃hampion of the people鈥 alter-ego stumble at the first budgetary hurdle.

The coal vandal鈥檚 new-found renewable energy gospel can also be seen as opportunistic green cover to keep a clean-energy-loving public on-side. Palmer鈥檚 core remains unreformably pro-business.

Palmer, however, is mere entree for Rundle, who sees the political and media establishment鈥檚 condescending treatment of the parliamentary upstart as emblematic of a deeper democratic malaise.

Starting with 鈥渇ortress parliament鈥, the elite monopolists must hold all manifestations of the popular will at bay 鈥 including those forays marshalled by 鈥渁nti-elitist鈥 billionaires.

Rundle says the 40% of Australians who don鈥檛 believe democracy is the best system of government are not registering their disdain for the concept as such. Rather it is aimed at the current version, which represents and manages the interests of a narrow, corporate elite.

Rundle鈥檚 鈥渨hat is to be done鈥 conclusion, however, lacks real fizz. It fails to go beyond a suite of needed constitutional and electoral reforms, leaving wider economic democracy unexplored 鈥 starting with workers' and community control of the likes of Palmer鈥檚 planet-burning corporate empire.

That is a whole new ball-game, a socialist one in which everyone gets to participate, not just watch.

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