
A high stakes game in the north of Ireland鈥檚 unfinished peace process played out before the world鈥檚 media last week, writes .
But almost 20 years after the Provisional IRA鈥檚 ceasefire in its armed struggle against British occupation of the six counties in Ireland's north, the shock detention of Gerry Adams on allegations of past IRA activity on April 30 ended in a dramatic triumph for the Sinn Fein leader.
If the arrest and detention was a power play by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and British hardliners, trying to reassert their control in the six counties still claimed by Britain, it backfired spectacularly.
After a hopelessly meandering four-day interrogation, Adams successfully faced down the outpouring of years of sniping accusations that have always dogged his leadership of Sinn Fein.
The allegations were based largely on the Boston Project, in which the grievances of former republicans angered by a perceived sellout of their movement by Sinn Fein leaders were gathered, ostensibly as an oral history, by Boston College. In 2010, the publication of some of those grievances encouraged malign British "securocrats" to build a case against Adams and other senior republicans.
But at a critical juncture, Adams ingeniously transformed a bid to damage him politically into an event that has launched a potentially historic election campaign for his party.
Although there remains a possibility that charges will follow at a later stage, the decision to release him almost certainly means there is, now, insufficient evidence to offer a prospect of prosecution.
Boost for Sinn Fein
Sinn Fein representatives said the Adams arrest had galvanised support for the party. His release from Antrim interrogation centre was triumphal. Election rallies in Belfast and Dublin were even more euphoric.
Party activists expressed confidence the arrest of Adams 鈥渉ad put a rocket under the Sinn Fein European and local election campaign鈥 on both sides of the Border.
Video: Thousands of people rally in support of Adams in Belfast on May 3. .
Adams concentrated on energising Sinn Fein supporters for the election campaigns. He said that 鈥渢he sham鈥 he had been was put through at Antrim station sent the wrong signals about policing to the public. He said that Sinn Fein would not be diverted from the job of 鈥渂uilding the peace鈥.
While strongly criticising the food he received at Antrim interrogation centre, he referred to the May 5 anniversary of the death of hunger striker Bobby Sands on Monday and said that his 鈥渇our days [in custody] is no big deal in the scheme of things鈥.
Speaking in Dublin, Adams called on the 26 County government to stop Britain from persecuting republicans. He told party members that there had been a serious attempt to charge him.
Adams rejected the idea that his arrest and interrogation for some 33 hours was a stunt, as some commentators suggested. 鈥淚f there was a charge against me, I would have been charged,鈥 he said.
Adams also shared his feelings about the 1972 disappearance and killing of alleged informer Jean McConville by the IRA, which the Sinn Fein leader had been arrested in relation to.
鈥淲hat happened to Jean McConville and her 10 children was dreadful and unjust, especially because it was Republicans who said, 鈥業t was in the middle of the war鈥 and so on and so forth. But we cannot rail against injustice by British forces until we face up to these matters ourselves.
鈥淲hile the past is hugely important, it鈥檚 all about the future. It has to be about the future. The past cannot be allowed to chain people, to prevent people from building a decent future,鈥 he said to approval from the crowd.
He joked about the 鈥渢rouble鈥 he had leaving the barracks where he had been detained by the PSNI due to a loyalist protest: 鈥淚 said to them: 鈥業f they [the loyalists] were Republicans, you would have moved them鈥.鈥
Speaking to journalists, Adams said 鈥渢wo standards鈥 were operating in the north of Ireland in terms of dealing with the past.
鈥淣o British soldiers or former RUC officers involved in killings or conspiracies or collusion are subject to the same treatment as republicans,鈥 he said.
鈥淥nce again this emphasizes why we need to deal holistically with our past and why we need a process such as those [compromise measures] proposed by Richard Haass and Meghan O鈥橲ullivan.鈥
'Flawed'
He said the allegations made by Boston project interviewees had formed the mainstay of his arrest and that the majority of those interviewed were 鈥渁nti-Sinn Fein鈥.
鈥淭he Boston College Belfast project was flawed from the beginning,鈥 he said.
鈥淚 welcome the end of the Boston Belfast Project, indicated by the college鈥檚 offer to now return the interviews to the interviewees before the securocrats [PSNI and hardline anti-republican British officials] who cannot live with the peace seek to seize the rest of the archive and do mischief.鈥
He said everyone had the right to record their history 鈥渂ut not at the expense of the lives of others鈥.
Two of Sinn Fein鈥檚 long-standing critics, former IRA political prisoner turned researcher Anthony McIntyre and New York-based journalist Ed Moloney, operated the project.
Among those who agreed to be interviewed were former IRA commander Brendan "The Dark" Hughes and another senior IRA figure, Dolours Price, who have both since died. The project resulted in hundreds of transcripts from interviews with 26 participants, and at least one videotaped interview, with veteran Dolours Price, which was carried out in 2010.
Adams pointed that the Boston project was initially conceived by a former aide to unionist leader David Trimble. 鈥淭his flawed project was exposed when Ed Moloney chose to capitalise on the death of Brendan Hughes and write a book,鈥 he said.
鈥淣o republicans, including myself, who were slandered in that book were offered the opportunity before publication to rebut the allegations made against them. Ed Moloney needs to explain that decision.
鈥淗e also needs to explain why, after the project officially closed, he returned to Ireland in 2011 and asked Dolours Price, whom he had described as mentally unwell and suffering from PTSD [post traumatic stress disorder], to be interviewed on DVD, a DVD which he then lodged in the archive.
鈥淚t is that interview, Anthony McIntyre鈥檚 interview with the late Brendan Hughes and his interview with [veteran republican] Ivor Bell, which formed the mainstay for my arrest last week.鈥
In response, Moloney denied the interviewees were biased against Sinn Fein. He said people were still unaware of who most of them are, and Adams was speaking 鈥渇rom a position of almost complete ignorance鈥.
He also said he was 鈥済lad鈥 Boston College was now willing to return the tapes to interviewees.
鈥淲e have been pressing Boston College for over two years and the college was refusing to do so on the grounds that they were holding them for the PSNI, so I am glad that they are returning the tapes,鈥 he said.
However, he said Boston College may have difficulty identifying some of the anonymised interviewees because identification forms had been 鈥渓ost鈥.
[Reprinted from .]