East Timor's best chances for freedom
Almost every day, more evidence emerges of the Indonesian regime's support and coordination of the pro-integration terror gangs in East Timor. These "militias" are carrying out a terror campaign against the pro-independence population in order to force a result in favour of integration with Indonesia in the proposed UN ballot on "special autonomy".
A document obtained by the Australian reveals an agreement between Domingos Soares, head of the government for the district including East Timor's capital, Dili, and Eurico Guterres, commander of the Aitarak militia. The agreement makes Guterres operational coordinator for "civil security" in Dili, in a task force chaired by Soares and with East Timor's governor, military commander and police chief as "advisers".
This document was signed after Indonesia and Portugal, in UN-sponsored talks, agreed on May 5 to hold the autonomy ballot. The UN agreement gave responsibility for maintaining law and order to the Indonesian authorities and its military (ABRI), saying they should do so with "absolute neutrality".
The Soares-Guterres agreement shows that the notion that ABRI can act with "absolute neutrality" in East Timor is ridiculous. Further evidence that the Indonesian regime established, promoted, armed and aided the militias was contained in a recent interview by US journalist Alan Nairn with militia chief of staff Herminio da Costa.
The arrival of UN personnel offers the possibility that ABRI's activities could be sufficiently curtailed and the Timorese given enough political space to campaign such that the people are able to express their desire for independence. The UN needs to take a much firmer stance on the conditions for the referendum to allow this to happen.
Jakarta is already unhappy with the UN, even before UN police and military advisers arrive. Indonesia's UN ambassador complained that a May 24 report by UN secretary-general Kofi Annan to the UN Security Council was misleading because it blamed the pro-integration militias for the violence in East Timor without mentioning attacks by the resistance forces.
Meanwhile, the main problem confronting the East Timorese — Indonesian military occupation — continues. Governments that previously supported the occupation — Australia, Britain and the US — now want Indonesia's withdrawal, but with minimum disruption to the military-controlled regime in Jakarta.
ALP foreign affairs spokesperson Laurie Brereton, banned from travelling to East Timor by the Indonesian government because of his apparent belligerence towards the Indonesian occupation, has demanded a "comprehensive review" of Australian defence cooperation with Indonesia, according to the May 31 Sydney Morning Herald.
This would change nothing. Only the immediate cutting of Australian military ties with Indonesia would have a real effect in supporting the right of the East Timorese to independence, by increasing the pressure for the withdrawal of Indonesian troops from East Timor. Activists must continue to put this demand on Canberra, and campaign for it.
President Habibie's main opponents in the Indonesian general election offer little hope for the East Timorese. Megawati Sukarnoputri has challenged Habibie's right to authorise the UN ballot and is campaigning for East Timor to remain part of Indonesia. Amien Rais, in line with his stronger opposition to the military's role in Indonesia, has said he would accept an East Timorese pro-independence vote, but he is also in a political alliance with Sukarnoputri.
Only the radical People's Democratic Party (PRD) consistently supported the right of the East Timorese people to national self-determination. Eight of its leaders remain political prisoners, alongside East Timorese, West Papuans and Acehnese freedom fighters.
Solidarity with the PRD from Australian activists will also aid the struggle of the East Timorese.